Movement
Harmonic Minimalism - Cumulativity and Serialism in Syntax - Andrew Murphy
Andrew Murphy [+]
University of Leipzig
Description
Further cases studies involving movement will be presented in the section. They can be broadly divided into two types: (i) stranding and (ii) case-related movement. For the first type, various instances of illicit stranding in English will be discussed. These include cases in which an element that can ordinarily be stranded cannot in a specific context. It will be argued that this is due to illicit cumulative interaction of constraints in a serial approach. The phenomena to be discussed include quantifier oat from small clauses (Starke 1995), P-stranding and embedded topicalization, P-stranding and extraposition (Drummond 2009), sprouting and P-stranding (Chung et al. 1995), P-stranding and embedded wh-movement (Chomsky 1986). In each of these cases, a violable constraint against stranding prepositions or quantifiers will interact with other constraints in the grammar to give rise to unexpected restrictions on stranding configurations in the language. This will provide several further instances of cumulative effects in syntax, which do not always have satisfactory alternative accounts. The second set of case studies involve movement of oblique-marked elements.While these elements can ordinarily be moved, there are constructions in which this seems to be restricted. In particular, I will discuss the ban on dative movement from ECM constructions in German (Heck & Muller 2016), ‘opaque’ intervention with wh-movement of datives in Icelandic (Holmberg & Hroarsdottir 2003), and pseudo-passives in Germanic (Abels 2003).