11. Stringency Hierarchies in Prosodic Sisterhood: STRONGSTART and EQUALSISTERS
Syntax-Prosody in Optimality Theory - Theory and Analyses - Jennifer Bellik
Jennifer Bellik [+ ]
University of California, Santa Cruz
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Jennifer Bellik is postdoctoral researcher in Linguistics at the University of California, Santa Cruz, USA.
Description
Analyses of syntax-prosody mapping rely on notions of purely phonological well- formedness, and yet the constraints defining this well-formedness are not as clearly defined as the mapping constraints, in part because the space of possible prosodic mismatches has not been fully explored. This chapter examines several ways to define the prosodic well-formedness constraints EqualSisters (Myrberg 2013) and StrongStart (Elfner 2012, Bennett, Elfner, McCloskey 2016), and the consequences of these definitions for the predicted typology, with a focus on stringency interactions between them. Results are argued to support the use of categorical, parent-oriented definitions of both EqualSisters and StrongStart.